Meadows
et al., posit that scarcity is merely a function of two things: demand and
availability. Thus, only these two direct factors can be influenced to alter
national scarcity levels. Meadows takes a neo-Malthusian standpoint on the
water crisis and uses population growth as an indicator of national water
scarcity. Under the assumption of fixed resource availability and demand increase
as a function of population growth, she uses renewable water resources per
capita as an indicator of national scarcity. Due to the underlying assumptions,
water scarcity can only be deemed ‘worse’ if there is a larger populations
needs to satisfy. However, the key criticisms here derive from the underlying,
unrealistic assumption of fixed resource availability. Some countries may have
a higher capacity to cope with water scarcity than others e.g. through imports
(virtual water).
Through figure 1 (above),
Konar
and Caylor illustrate the virtual water trading links in Africa. They also
demonstrate the negative correlation between the proportion of African nations
undernourished and virtual water trade openness, in the graph below.
If we now assess the UNEP map of
global water scarcity distribution (below), we can see that the countries facing
water scarcity in Africa include: Morocco, Algeria, Libya, Egypt, Burkina Faso,
Djibouti, Malawi, Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya, South Africa and Zimbabwe.
There are also some more complex indicators of national
scarcity that are used. These may be weighted indicators such as Ohlsson’s, which is a
combination of the water scarcity index and the human development index. Ohlsson’s
index accounts for capacity to adapt to increasing national water scarcity
however, it measures this through proxy indicators, as opposed to direct links.
Sullivan
proposes a water poverty index, in which she captures water availability,
access to water and sanitation, and time/effort used to access water for
domestic usage.
Feitelson
and Chenoweth suggest an economic water scarcity index, assessing the cost
of sustaining of supplying a nations’ clean, viable water and sanitation
services against the backdrop of the nations income. This allows the evaluation
of whether a nation can afford to have sustainable water and sanitation
services. Some countries may have little or no direct access to water, but if they
can sustainably afford to import their water and sanitation supply, they will
escape water scarcity. This index
however, relies on the collation of a lot of data, which may not be accessible,
especially for poorer nations.
In theory, virtual water trading should be lowering water
scarcity as nations share water resources. However, this is not the case,
mainly because countries cannot afford to import as much water as they need.
The affordability of a populations’ basic needs of water and sanitation seems
to be at the core of the water and sanitation crisis in Africa. This is the
very reason I’m so interested in the economic water crisis. Arguably, this
sheds an economic light on the scarcity paradigm. It implies that scarcity does
translate into access. If a nation cannot afford access to water, it may be at
risk of becoming water scarce. The affordability of access however, may depend
on a number of factors. Conflict of transboundary waters and hydropolitics are
just two factors, which may influence the cost of sustainable water and
sanitation services.
The next posts will address this situation, specifically in
urban Africa! I hope you’re finding this as interesting as I am, and please,
feel free to comment with your opinion! I’d love to hear different opinions and
arguments on the water and sanitation crisis!
What a great read, I am proud to know you!
ReplyDeleteThank you!
DeleteIn the western world we take such a basic need for granted. This post brings home some of the in-humane conditions some of our nations live in. Great coverage!
ReplyDelete